Tarasios 1 was the grandson of Sisinnios 85 and Tarasios 6, the son of Georgios 122 and Enkrateia 1 (see below): Catal. Patr., 291, 1-4 (Ταράσιος ὁ ἀπὸ ἀσηκρῆτις, υἱὸς Γεωργίου πατρικίου καὶ κοιαίστωρος, ἐγγονὸς Σισιννίου πατρικίου, γεγονότος δὲ καὶ κόμητος τῶν ἐκσκουβίτων, κατὰ δὲ τὴν μητέρα ἐγγονὸς Ταρασίου πατρικίου). He was the brother of Sisinnios 86: Annales Regni Francorum s.a. 798. He was a paternal uncle of Photios 1 (the patriarch Photius): Photius, Ep. 291 (III 150 Laourdas-Westerink) (τὸν ἡμέτερον πατρόθειον), cf. Ep. 2, line 366 (τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πατροθείῳ), Ep. 114, line 2 (I 152 Laourdas-Westerink) (πατέρα καὶ θεῖον ἡμέτερον). Cf. Winkelmann, Quellenstudien, pp. 183-184.

His Life was composed by Ignatius the Deacon (Ignatios 9): Vita Tarasi, title.

Tarasios 1 once taught Ignatios 9 metrical verse and heroic poetry, and later took him into his service, employing him to take down in shorthand his daily sermons, to have them copied and issued in book form: Vita Tarasii 69, lines 6-15.

Tarasios 1 was the son of Georgios 122 and Enkrateia 1, both of whom were patrikioi and descendants of patrikioi: Vita Tarasii 4, lines 3-5, cf. 18, line 1 (son of Enkrateia 1). He was carefully brought up by his mother to avoid bad company and acquired a deep knowledge of both secular and theological learning; he was widely respected and he obtained the dignity of hypatos and the post of protoasekretis (ὡς καὶ τὴν ὕπατον ἀξίαν κοσμῆσαι καὶ πρῶτος ὑπογραφεὺς τῶν βασιλικῶν μυστηρίων ἐγκριθῆναι): Vita Tarasii 6.

When protoasekretis (Ταράσιον ... τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν μυστηρίων πρῶτον τῆς θεολήπτου βασιλείας ὑμῶν) he was nominated to the emperors (Konstantinos 8 and Eirene 1) by the dying patriarch of Constantinople, Paulos 4, as the man to be his successor and to guide the church away from the iconoclast heresy and back to the true faith: Vita Tarasii 10, lines 31-42.

There was opposition to his appointment among members of the senate who supported the heresy, but the emperors issued a decree confirming it: Vita Tarasii 12. He asked the emperors to summon a church council to restore the true faith: Vita Tarasi 14. With imperial permission he then addressed the clergy and people at the Palace of the Magnaura, since the army in particular was devoted to iconoclasm; he said that he had no claim on the office, having spent his career on secular affairs, but if they chose him they should do so agreeing to accept the full doctrines of the six Ecumenical Councils: Vita Tarasii 16.

He was accepted by the people and then exchanged his secular dignity and dress for the tonsure and becoming a cleric was raised to the patriarchal throne: Vita Tarasii 17. He ensured that the emperors fulfilled their undertaking to summon a council of the church: Vita Tarasi 25. When troops disrupted the first council, in the Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, Tarasios 1 completed the celebration of holy communion and then returned home, resuming his normal studies and deliberating on the convening of a further council: Vita Tarasii 27, lines 5-7. He attended the Council when it was reconvened at Nikaia, at which he delivered the introductory statement, and then he and the other participants agreed a definition of faith; this was finally promulgated under the imperial signature after a final session was held in Constantinople in the palace of the Magnaura: Vita Tarasii 28-30.

He adopted a policy of moderation towards former iconoclast bishops and confirmed in their sees those who repented: Vita Tarasii 31. He continued to teach that the veneration of icons was not comparable to the worship of pagan images: Vita Tarasii 32. He took action to reduce simony: Vita Tarasii 33. He protected the right of asylum and successfully intervened in the case of a spatharios (Anonymus 173) accused of stealing a large sum of money; he personally took him food and gave him help while he was trapped at the high altar of Hagia Sophia and when he was removed he pursued his captors and threatened them with excommunication if the man was harmed: Vita Tarasii 34-37.

Tarasios 1 opposed the emperor Constantine VI's (Konstantinos 8) attempt to divorce his wife (Maria 2) and marry his mistress (Theodote 1), dismissing his efforts to accuse her of plotting to murder him; he visited the palace with Ioannes 15 to argue with the emperor, but their arguments went ignored and eventually he and Ioannes 15 were expelled from the emperor's presence: Vita Tarasii 38-46. Subsequently he suffered harassment from the synkelloi whom the emperor appointed: Vita Tarasii 47. He taught that the use of the senses should be controlled and directed towards spiritually rewarding ends: Vita Tarasii 4. He was comparable in his goodness to hermits and ascetics and other holy men who lived in the wilderness, and he put forward in his teaching the examples of holy men and martyrs, enforcing it by setting up pictures of them and their struggles: Vita Tarasii 49. His programme of icon veneration is described in Vita Tarasii 50-57. In old age he fell ill and suffered much pain but continued nevertheless to perform his duties until it grew too severe and he had to take to his bed until his death; he had occupied the see for twenty-two years: Vita Tarasii 59-61. He was buried on 25 February in the Church of All Saints at the monastery which he had built near the Bosporos: Vita Tarasii 65.

Tarasios 1 is frequently recorded in other sources. He was an asekretis in 784: Theoph. AM 6277 (Ταράσιον τὸν ἀσηκρήτην), Nic., Chron., p. 119, 77 (Ταράσιος ἀσηκρήτης), Zon. XV 11. 8, cf. Vita S. Theophylacti 2 (τῷ πρωτῷ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐντύχων μυστογράφῳ - Ταράσιος δὲ τούτῳ ἡ κλῆσις καὶ τῶν ὀρθοδόξων τὸ ἔρεισμα καὶ ἀρετῆς ἀντεχομένων ὁ ἔπαινος). He is styled protoasekretis (ὁ πρωτοασηκρῆτις) and described as devout and virtuous: Vita Ioannis Gotthiae, p. 191.

While he was still asekretis he had in his service both Theophylaktos 37 (future bishop of Nikomedeia) and Michael 6 (future bishop of Synnada): Vita S. Theophylacti 2, 5. He had already founded a monastery near the mouth of the Pontus (see below) before he became patriarch, since he then sent Theophylaktos 37 and Michael 6 to be monks in it: Vita S. Theophylacti 5.

His career before 784 was entirely secular: Mansi XII 1119 (letter of Tarasios 1 to the eastern patriarchs after he became patriarch - κἀμὲ ἐν τῷ τῶν λαϊκῶν τάγματι ἕως τοῦ νῦν ἠριθμημένον καὶ ταῖς βασιλικαῖς ὑπηρεσίαις ἐντεταγμένον) (the Latin version, at XII 1120, has "imperialibus ministeriis"), cf. Theoph. AM 6277 (ἐγώ, ὁ τῷ κόσμῳ συναναστρεφόμενος καὶ μετὰ λαϊκῶν ἠριθμημένος καὶ στρατευόμενος ἐν βασιλικαῖς ὑπηρεσίαις). His promotion from layman to the post of patriarch (see below) was criticised by the bishop of Rome, pope Hadrian I (Hadrianos 1), after he read the synodikon sent to him by Tarasios 1: Mansi XII 1074-1075 ("ipse enim Tarasius regiae urbis patriarcha misit nobis synodicam, priscam adimplens consuetudinem: quam suscipientes et liquidius indagantes, et de confessione tam rectae fidei eius, quam dogmatum sanctarum sex synodorum et venerandarum imaginum ovantes, nimis iterum turbati ac conturbati sumus, quia ex laicorum ordine et imperialibus obsequiis deputatus, repente patriarchatus culmen adeptus est et apocaligus contra sanctorum canonum censuram factus est patriarcha") (letter from Hadrian I (Hadrianos 1) to the emperors Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8) and Eirene 1, dated 26 October 785).

Tarasios 1 was chosen to succeed Paulos 4 as patriarch of Constantinople; he had the support of Paulos 4 himself as his successor: Vita Ioannis Gotthiae, p. 191. He was a layman who became patriarch of Constantinople: Photius, Ep. 290, line 156 (III 129 Laourdas-Westerink) (ἐκ λαϊκοῦ ... τοῦ σχήματος). In 784 he succeeded Paulos 4 as patriarch and held office for twenty-one years (so Theophanes; Nicephorus gives twenty-one years two days); he was succeeded by Nikephoros 2 in 806: Nic., Chron. 77, Theoph. AM 6177 (καὶ Ταράσιον κα'). Chosen to be patriarch by the emperors Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8) and Eirene 1 and their advisers on ecclesiastical affairs after the death of Paulos 4, he refused to accept the nomination unless a general council of the Church was summoned to resolve the divisions over the veneration of icons; when this was granted, he was consecrated as patriarch: Mansi XII 1006 (recorded in a letter of Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8) and Eirene 1 read out at Nikaia to the Seventh Ecumenical Council in 787; this letter is perhaps one of the sources of Theophanes, the Life of Ioannes of Gotthia and the Life of Tarasios by Ignatios). Nominated as patriarch by the empress Eirene 1, in a speech attributed to him by Theophanes (cf. above) he made it a condition of his acceptance that an ecumenical council should be called to settle problems of church unity; he was consecrated as patriarch on 25 December 784, and sent off to the bishop of Rome (i.e. pope Hadrian I, Hadrianos 1), his synodika and a statement of faith: Theoph. AM 6277 (ἐχειροτονήθη ὁ ὅσιος πατὴρ ἡμῶν Ταράσιος πατριάρχης Κωνσταντινουπόλεως), Zon. XV 11. 8, cf. Vita Ioannis Gotthiae, p. 191 and Nic., Apol. Min. 5 (840A-B), and see above. He succeeded Paul 4 as patriarch, chosen by Eirene 1 and her orthodox followers: Vita S. Theophylacti 4. He attended the ecumenical council summoned by Eirene 1 which met in the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople on 7 August 786 (so Theophanes; the correct date was perhaps 31 July, see Grumel, Regestes. 355); he and the other "orthodox" (i.e. iconophile) bishops and hegoumenoi were threatened by imperial troops and collected together for sanctuary at the altar: Theoph. AM 6278 (ὁ δὲ λαὸς τῶν σχολαρίων τε καὶ ἐκσκουβιτόρων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ταγμάτων ὑποβληθεὶς ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ἔχοντες καὶ τὴν διδασκαλίαν τοῦ πονηροῦ αὐτῶν διδασκάλου - i.e. independent of direct imperial control). He alludes to these events in his opening statement at the first session of the Seventh Ecumenical Council, on 24 September 787; he had been threatened by a disorderly mob at the council, in the Church of the Holy Apostles, on 1 August (sic) 786, and narrowly escaped, thanks to the help of some of his fellow-bishops: Mansi XII 999. On these dates, see Rochow, Theophanes, p. 244.

In the early years of his patriarchate Tarasios 1 first sent Theophylaktos 37 and Michael 6 as monks to his monastery near the Pontos and then brought them back to serve in Constantinople; he elevated both of them first to the priesthood and then to the episcopate: Vita S. Theophylacti 5-7. Georgios 137, a monk and author of an historical chronicle, was his synkellos: Scyl., proem., p. 3 (cited under Georgios 137). He perhaps installed Euthymios 1 as bishop of Sardis one Easter, according to a panegyric composed by the monk Metrophanes, of uncertain date (and not reliable, see Euthymios 1): BHG 2146, 7-8 (= Traditio 26 (1970), pp. 71-72 with n. 11).

In 787 he went to Nikaia to attend the Seventh Ecumenical Council: Theoph. AM 6280 (Ταράσιος, ὁ ἁγιώτατος ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως), Zon. XV 11. 12. Archbishop of Constantinople, he attended the Second Council of Nikaia: Mansi XII 994-XIII 486 (Ταρασίου τοῦ ὁσιωτάτου καὶ ἁγιωτάτου ἀρχιεπισκόπου τῆς μεγαλωνύμου Κωνσταντινουπόλεως νέας Ῥώμης, or similar). He was patriarch of Constantinople at the Seventh Ecumenical Council: Photius, Ep. 1, lines 368-370 (I 13 Laourdas-Westerink), Ep. 2, lines 366-367 (I 52 Laourdas-Westerink). He was present at all eight sessions, from 24 September to 23 November 787: Mansi XII 994, XII 1051, XII 1114, XIII 1, XIII 157, XIII 204, XIII 365, XIII 413.

He delivered the opening speech at the first session, on 24 September, inviting the Council to question those bishops involved in the disturbances at the Council in the previous year (see above): Mansi XII 999-1002. He played a leading role first in the interrogation of a number of former iconoclast bishops, Mansi XII 1007-1019; and then in the discussion of the principles under which heretics could be readmitted to communion, Mansi XII 1019-1050. At the second session (26 September 787) he began by questioning the former iconoclast bishop of Neokaisareia, Gregorios 38, recommending that he produce a statement at the next session of the Council: Mansi XII 1051-1054. He continued to preside over the session, during which the letter to him from the bishop of Rome, Hadrian I (Hadrianos 1), in reply to his synodika, was read out and he spoke in support of the traditional veneration of icons as described by pope Hadrian I (Hadrianos 1): Mansi XII 1075, XII 1077-1084, XII 1086, XII 1111 (Tarasios 1 answered a query concerning the order in which monks should pronounce on letters - according to seating plan). He opened the third session (28 September 787) by conducting the examination of Gregorios of Neokaisareia (Gregorios 38) and then approving the readmission of him and the other former iconoclasts: Mansi XII 1114-1118. Then the letter which he had sent to the eastern patriarchs after his own elevation was read out; it contained his confession of faith: Mansi XII 1119-1127. After his letter and the reply of the eastern patriarchs had been read out and approved by the Council, Tarasios 1 brought the session to an end by proclaiming the end of strife, saying that East, West, North and South were now united: Mansi XII 1154.

He opened the fourth session (1 October 787) by proposing that, to celebrate the new-found unity of the church, the Council should listen to extracts from Church Fathers to establish worldwide that their beliefs were in accordance with tradition: Mansi XIII 4. After extracts from the Bible had been read, he justified the use of icons by referring to the images of the cherubim made by Moses on God's orders to overshadow the mercy-seat in the Holy of Holies and also noted that all the angels ever seen were in human shape: Mansi XIII 5-8. He made comments on several other occasions at this session: Mansi XIII 8 (on John Chrysostom's approval of a picture of an angel driving off barbarian hordes), XIII 12 (anticipating the effect of a picture of the Crucifixion), XIII 13 (on the power of pictures and the idea of the artist offering his work to God), XIII 20 (the words read out to the session from Asterios of Amaseia give artists permission to depict the stories of the martyrs), XIII 32 (he explained why contemporary icons did not perform miracles like those of former days: they acted as signs to draw unbelievers to the faith; there were no such signs for an evil generation), XIII 37 (he asked if the works of Neilos had been produced at the iconoclast council), XIII 40 (commenting on the fact that Maximos Homologetes (Maximos 10) venerated icons as well as the Gospels and the Holy Cross), 41 (he informed the Council that the pages from which a passage from the Canons of the Sixth Ecumenical Council (i.e. the Quinisext) had just been read was the original autograph text, signed by the bishops; he also defended the Canons as genuine, explaining how the bishops had reassembled several years after the original council in order to issue the canons), XIII 56 (he emphasised the distinction between worship - λάτρευσις - and veneration - προσκύνησις - made by Anastasios of Antioch), XIII 60 (the work of painters and other craftsmen was all to be used for the adornment of sacred buildings), XIII 61 (an impious oath could be broken if there was true repentance; therefore iconoclasts who still felt bound by their former oaths could reasonably break them; if they had committed other sins, however, they should beg God for forgiveness; he compared Herod, who stood by his oath and perished, with St Peter, who broke his but repented and was forgiven; we were all sinners but God was merciful and forgiving), XIII 64 (he ruled that enough had been said on the subject of the iconoclast oath for present purposes; if further investigation were needed, it could take place at another time; meanwhile the Council should turn to the business in hand), XIII 68-69 (he informed the Council that the codices from which extracts had just been read to the Council, from the writings of Sophronios and John Chrysostom, came from the Church of the Anargyroi (Sts Kosmas and Damian) at Constantinople, and had been brought by the clergy from there to be read out), XIII 69 (respect shown to an icon was transferred to the original; similarly with disrespect), XIII 100 (he applauded a letter from pope Gregory (see Gregorios 7 and Gregorios 72) to the patriarch Germanos 8 as trumpeting the truth), XIII 105 (he described a letter from the patriarch Germanos I (Germanos 8) as entirely in accord with the views of the Fathers; he also noted that the iconoclast heresy took its beginning with the bishop of Nakoleia, Konstantinos 73, who had expressed doubts about the veneration of icons and who then refused to circulate a letter from Germanos 8 explaining and justifying that veneration, even though he had professed to accept it), XIII 108 (the heresy started with the bishop of Nakoleia). Later he acclaimed the unity of the Fathers in their defence of the truth: Mansi XIII 128. He subscribed the statements read out from the Fathers in support of the veneration of icons: Mansi XIII 133.

To start the fifth session (4 October 787) he described the arguments of heretics as a broken cistern, quoting Jeremiah, and introduced readings to illustrate that earlier heretics and other Godless people had condemned images: Mansi XIII 157. He spoke on several occasions during this session: Mansi XIII 160 (the punishment which Nebuchadnezzar suffered should await any one who removed sacred objects from a church), XIII 161 (the attitude of Symeon Stylites the Younger towards the Samaritans who had desecrated images of Christ and the Theotokos), XIII 165 (he commented on criticism of Samaritans and pagans and noted the support of Ioannes of Thessalonike for the representation of angels, since they had appeared in human form and been described), XIII 172 (the so-called Itineraries of the Apostles was inconsistent with the Gospels and directly contradicted them, in terms reminiscent of the heresy of the Phantasiasts; the iconoclasts had misled themselves in using its evidence to support their case), XIII 176 (they should follow Amphilochios of Ikonion in rejecting the Itineraries as forgeries; he then proposed that a letter of Eusebius of Caesarea be read on the subject of icons), XIII 177 (the opinions of Eusebius should be rejected by the Council), XIII 180 (writings of Eusebius were condemned by the Fathers - referring to Antipater of Bostra), XIII 181 (iconoclasts took their inspiration from those who were unbaptised, Manichees and Phantasiasts - referring particularly to Philoxenos Xenaias of Hierapolis), XIII 184 (since the Fathers accepted images of doves to represent the Holy Spirit, a fortiori they accepted images of the Incarnate Logos; Tarasios 1 noted that the patriarch Anastasios (Anastasios 2) had, like Severus of Antioch, purloined gold and silver icons for his own use; he also noted that Severus of Antioch had preached that angels should be honoured with white garments only, not purple), XIII 188 (he explained how the attitude of Christians to icons differed from that of pagans to idols; he also accused the three heretical patriarchs Anastasios 2, Konstantinos 4 and Niketas 1 of deleting scholia on icon veneration from copies of the Old Testament), XIII 189 (the remarks of Pastillas (i.e. Sisinnios 27 the iconoclast) about those who interpreted Scripture wrongly had rebounded on his head; he also agreed with Ioannes 15 that the efforts of the iconoclasts to destroy icons, copies of the Gospels and other sacred objects had only served to illuminate the truth), XIII 192 (in the patriarchal library he found a copy of the Leimonarion from which pages referring to icons had been cut), XIII 196 (no further proof was needed that the veneration of icons was an ancient tradition of the church and the Council was following in the steps of the Fathers; he decided that no further texts need be read out to prove this, and proposed that the Council listen to Ioannes 15 who had an account to give of the origins of the iconoclastic movement), XIII 200 (he put to the Council the proposal of Sabas 4 to restore icons and their veneration).

At the seventh session (13 October 787) he subscribed the statement of the faith adopted by the Council: Mansi XIII 380. At the end of the Council he wrote two letters to pope Hadrian I (Hadrianos 1) and one to Ioannes 141: Mansi XIII 458-471 (to Hadrianos 1), 471-479 (to Ioannes 141).

After the Council Tarasios 1 allowed former iconoclasts to continue to exercise the priesthood, subject to certain conditions: Sabas, Vita Ioannicii 47 (a fact mentioned in the letter supposedly written to the patriarch Methodios by St Ioannikios (Ioannikios 2) after the Triumph of Orthodoxy in 843). He founded a monastery on the left bank of the Thracian Bosphoros: Ignatios, Vita Tarasii 24 (see above; this was apparently before 784). In 796 he attended the restoration of the relics of St Euphemia to her shrine: Theoph. AM 6258. Also in 796 the hegoumenos of Sakkoudion, Platon 1, broke off communion with Tarasios 1 because of his part in allowing the emperor Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8) to consign his wife Maria 2 to a nunnery and permitting the hegoumenos Ioseph 2 to crown the emperor and Theodote 1: Theoph. AM 6288, Zon. XV 13. 1, and cf. Rochow, Theophanes, p. 265. He refused to perform the ceremony himself: Vita B Theod. Stud. 252B. After the death of Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8) and the return of Eirene 1, Theodoros 15 and Tarasios 1 both received praise for the positions they had assumed in the affair of Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8)'s second marriage (to Theodote 1): Vita B Theod. Stud. 256C-257B. After the return of Theodoros 15 from exile to Thessalonike, Tarasios 1 voiced his approval of his stance in the matter: Vita B Theod. Stud. 268D-269A. In 799 he gave his approval to the transfer of the monastery of Sakkoudion to Constantinople and its establishment in the existing monastery of Stoudios there: Vita B Theod. Stud. 257D-260C. In 803 he put his signature to the document also signed by the new emperor Nikephoros I (Nikephoros 8) and "all the patrikioi" guaranteeing the safety of Bardanes 3 Tourkos and his supporters: Theoph. AM 6295. In December 803 he crowned Staurakios 2, the son of the emperor Nikephoros I (Nikephoros 8), as emperor in Hagia Sophia: Theoph. AM 6296. At some date between 794 and 805 he received a request from Paulos 25 to nominate a bishop to consecrate Peter of Atroa (Petros 34) as priest; he wrote to Basilios 13 with instructions to do so: Vita Petr. Atr. 6, p. 81 (τὸν ἐν ἁγίοις Ταράσιον πατριάρχην Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, τὸν τότε κρατοῦντα καὶ ορθοδόξως διέποντα), Vita Petr. Atr. Retractata 10 (p. 87). Also at some unknown date during his patriarchate he ordained Niketas 43 (Niketas of Medikion) as a priest: Vita Nicetae Medicii 10. Also at an unknown date (but possibly c. 798, cf. Paulos 10) he met Makarios 9 (hegoumenos of Pelekete) in Constantinople, confirmed him as hegoumenos and ordained him as a priest: Acta S. Macarii 7, p. 149. He resisted the efforts of Nikephoros 8 to have Euthymios 1 deposed: Vita Euthym. Sard. 5, 6.

Unnamed patriarch, he conspired with Niketas 11 and the senate to raise Nikephoros 8 to the throne in place of Eirene 1: Bar Hebr., p. 120.

Tarasios 1 died on 25 February 806 (indiction fourteen), and was buried in the monastery founded by himself at Stenon on the Pontos on 26 February (the fourth day of the first week of Lent); his successor as patriarch was Nikephoros 2: Theoph. AM 6298, Zon. XV 14. 14 (he died in the first week of Lent, and was succeeded by Nikephoros 2), Vita S. Theophylacti 10 (succeeded after his death by Nikephoros 2), Synax. Eccl. Const. 723-726 (succeeded by Nikephoros 2). On the date of his death, see Rochow, Theophanes, p. 284. By 813 the monastery in Constantinople where he was buried was named after him (τὴν μονὴν τοῦ ἁγίου Ταρασίου τοῦ πατριάρχου): Theoph. AM 6305, cf. Photius, Ep. 250 (II 187 Laourdas-Westerink) addressed Νικολάῳ ἡγουμένῳ μονῆς τοῦ ἁγίου Ταρασίου). He was patriarch for twenty-one years and two days: Nic., Chron., p. 119, 77.

Named with Germanos 8 and Nikephoros 2 in early 815 by an iconoclast crowd demonstrating against the patriarch Nikephoros 2: Scriptor Incertus 358. He is one of the patriarchs of Constantinople acclaimed in the Synodikon of Orthodoxy as a supporter of icons: Gouillard, "Synodikon", p. 51, line 110, p. 53, lines 114-115; p. 103, line 881. He and Nikephoros 2 are recorded by Photios 1 as two distinguished patriarchs and champions of orthodoxy: Photius, Ep. 114, lines 2-3, Ep. 290, lines 156ff., 165-166, 299-301. The Seventh Ecumenical Council (Second Council of Nikaia) was described as the Council of Tarasios (ἡ Ταρασίου σύνοδος) when its findings were cancelled by Michael II (Michael 10): Georg. Mon. Cont. 783. Said to have helped Eirene 1 to restore order in the church: Vita Nicetae Medicii 30. He and Eirene 1 were later reviled in the iconoclast tradition: Theoph. Cont. I 15 (p. 27), Scyl., p. 14. He supposedly appeared to the emperor Leo V (Leo 15) in a dream urging a man named Michael to kill him: Theoph. Cont. I 24 (p. 37) (one of the supposed portents that worried Leo 15), cf. Zon. XV 21. 22 (appeared in a dream to an unnamed person calling on someone called Michael to kill Leo).

See further Vita Anton. Iun. (BHG 142) 28.

Author of a number of letters and other works which still survive; see Beck, Kirche, p. 489. See also Rochow, Theophanes, pp. 241-244, 247, 263, 265, 284.

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